By Roma Harris, Nadine Wathen, Sally Wyatt (eds.)
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Extra resources for Configuring Health Consumers: Health Work and the Imperative of Personal Responsibility
Hence this behaviour is both compulsory and elective, a message that has been observed in other government-sponsored health promotion programmes, such as a UK initiative to train rural residents in cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) (Singleton, 2005). com is constituted as an ‘empowering’ tool that helps them refine their personal health regimes. com has remarked that web sites have ‘just become this huge part of how people take care of themselves’ (Canadian Press NewsWire, 2004), further binding this information service with a health promotion discourse of ‘healthy living’.
While it is true that the NHS in the UK quickly became more costly than had been initially predicted, a Conservative Government inquiry in the 1950s concluded that the NHS ‘was not extravagant’ and ‘provided good value for money’ (Baggott, 2004, pp. 92–93). 0 per cent (Pollock, 2005). Although UK health expenditures continued to grow, costs remained below average for Europe and substantially below those of the US. , 2009). Rather than costing too much, both Hunter (2008) and Pollock (2005) describe persistent underfunding of the NHS, chaos resulting from ‘unwarranted confidence in structural overhaul’ (Hunter, 2008, p.
The good citizen, they claim or infer, accepts responsibility for his or her own health, eats a healthy diet, maintains a correct weight, exercises regularly, does not smoke or drink alcohol to excess (a daily glass of red wine is recommended for its antioxidant value) and participates in immunisation and screening programmes. The good woman ensures that her family follows healthy practices and uses resources available on the web to minimize demands on public services (Adams and de Bont, 2007; Harris, 2009).
Configuring Health Consumers: Health Work and the Imperative of Personal Responsibility by Roma Harris, Nadine Wathen, Sally Wyatt (eds.)